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 Newar Society

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Posted on 05-18-07 9:53 AM     Reply [Subscribe]
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Newars, new and old
French scholar Gerard Toffin’s work on Newars is finally available in English

From Issue #349 (18 May 07 - 24 May 07) |

Newars are supposed to be Nepal’s early settlers, according to one theory even lending their name to the country. They form not a caste, but a complex community-—in 1854, the Muluki Ain divided Newars into the equivalent of the four castes, from Brahmins (Rajopadhyaya and Vajracarya), to dalits (Pode and Cyama khalak).

There were only scattered references to Newars in the classic accounts of Nepal (Kirkpatrick in 1811, Hamilton in 1819, Hodegson and Oldfield both in 1880). The first comprehensive piece of research on Newars appeared in 1923, in KP Chattopadhyaya’s An Essay on the History of Newar Culture followed, 25 years later by Dilli Raman Regmi’s The Antiquity of the Newars of Kathmandu. Western scholars started to focus on Newar communities after Gopal Singh Nepali’s full-length book in 1965. One of them was Gerard Toffin.

In the last 30 years, Toffin, now a director of research at France’s mammoth National Centre for Scientific Research (CNRS), has written a number of papers exploring different aspects of Newar culture. Most of Toffin’s work is in French (bar a two-page preface to the 1993 Nepal: Past and Present, which he edited), and non-speakers have long felt the need for translations. Himal Books’ new volume of selected papers by Toffin is good news for academics and laypeople.

The 13 research papers in Newar Society: City, Village and Periphery are based on extensive fieldwork and personal observation and constitute a significant contribution to the social study of Nepal.

Toffin begins with the Citrakars, Rajopadhyayas, and Maharjans of the city. In his work on the painter Citrakars, he focuses on their two main guthis (si guthi and desla guthi), kinship and marriage patterns and, of course, their art, which sometimes functions as medicine. Toffin describes how they treat Jwanakai, which is thought to be caused by snakes, by painting two lions on the sides of the affected area. The chapter on the Rajopadhyayas mainly deals with the history of the caste and their role as the priests of Hindu Newars. The author argues that, despite substantial changes in their tradition and rituals, the religious identity of the Rajopadhyayas is still largely intact. Toffin’s chapter on the social and territorial organisation of the Maharjans of Kathmandu city—their twah or tol system—and their vocal and instrumental music. To readers who equate Maharjans with farmers, this new information is fascinating.

The three papers on the little known Lalitpur Maharjan village of Pyangaon come from Toffin’s long periods of fieldwork. He makes a detailed study of Swagumi, who “adopted a Jyapu lifestyle and became Newarised” in one, and in another provides a picture of intercaste relationships, particularly between ‘pure’ and ‘impure’ castes, and the position of Swagumi within the Newar caste system. Toffin’s third Pyangaon paper is about the socio-religious structures of the Maharjans, this time as villagers. A detailed comparative study of the Maharjans in city and village would have been welcome.

Two chapters are devoted to the little-known Balami and Pahari communities who live on the ‘periphery’, defined here as “the intermediate space located between Kathamandu Valley and the middle hills of central Nepal and its forested areas”. Toffin convincingly identifies them with Newars, because their caste, kinship, and guthi rules are the same, as is their language.

Three papers focus on specific aspects of Newar society, the guthi system, the Mohani festival, and funeral rites in relation to the Newar castes. Toffin explains how guthis “regulate several aspects of Newar social and religious life, and even possess economic functions in some limited cases”. Similarly, he analyses how Panauti Newars observe the Mohani festival with special devotion to Asta Matrika, Nava Durga, Taleju, and Kumari, and how the 14 different Newar caste, from Rajopadhyaya to Pode, of the area perform funeral rites.

The last two chapters deal primarily with the recent changes in urban and rural Newar society. One focuses on the role of modern ethnic associations in constructing the identity of a particular caste or group, the other on the changing status and role of women in Newar society, in the context of recent amendments in the Muluki Ain.

All the papers were written at different times as independent articles. Together they sometimes lack coherence, or can get repetitive. What pulls the volume together is Toffin’s 21-page introduction, which successfully synthesises the different themes explored and reflects an up-to-date understanding of Newar society and culture.

There are some omissions and errors. Except in a few cases, the data on population, household, and the like are dated. For example the 2001 census puts Citrakars and Rajopadhyaya at over 5,000 each, while Toffin’s essay says there are 1,200 and 1,500 respectively. The Jyapu Mahaguthi and Citrakar Samaj are mentioned, but not the Manandhar Sangh which was founded in 1954. The discrete index entries for Manandhar and Sayami, the same caste group, are confusing. History of Nepal was written by BJ Hasrat, and not RL Hasrat. The collection would also have benefited from a glossary of Newari terms.

These minor shortcomings do not, however, lower the standard of the book. Toffin’s work is a significant contribution to the study of Newar society and culture, and, as the publisher’s note says, “will certainly be very useful to the Newar themselves to help them understand their own society differently, if not better. It will also prove extremely informative to non-Newars in understanding one of the most ancient, complex, and fascinating social groups of Nepal.”

(Tri Ratna Manandhar is professor of history at Tribhuban University.)



Gerard Toffin, Newar Society:
City, Village and Periphery, Lalitpur: Himal Books for Social Science Baha, 2007, soft cover,
pp. xiv+443, Rs 790.

http://www.nepalitimes.com/issue/349/Review/13550
 
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Posted on 05-21-07 12:27 PM     Reply [Subscribe]
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As I said, arranged marriage itself means seeking the match within own community. Regarding pode/chame, it's not true in every household. I'd allow them in my house. We've allowed them earlier but they were not practicing the same old professions. I'm confused by your statement of finding 'unity'. We need to erase our 'narrow-mindedness' and see not only newars irrespective of religion but every other race as same, and interest to learn and respect about other cultures. I'm more optimistic than you about the time frame you've mentioned.
 
Posted on 05-21-07 12:39 PM     Reply [Subscribe]
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Ok, its great to be optimistic but optimism ise good if its based on reality.
 
Posted on 05-21-07 12:40 PM     Reply [Subscribe]
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If u just take a look at newars & their physical appearances u will be surprised to find multiple complexes .....u will almost find entire face of Nepal.....Rajopadhayas Newars resembles very much like Pahadey Bramhins ....Shresthas can also resemble to Pahadey Chettris & lots of them has Mongolian face.........
 
Posted on 05-21-07 1:26 PM     Reply [Subscribe]
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I am newar. Few years ago I was about to marry a her who is from so called higher cast of Newar family. I went through so many difficulties to marry her. I almost gave up. Finally I had to run with her and hide for some months.

My wife's family still don't accept us. We are still have in trouble with those higher cast family.

gahugoro Ji, please give me youth thoughts if you were in my situation.

Talking and giving idea is much much easier than being your self in the actual situation.
 
Posted on 05-21-07 1:39 PM     Reply [Subscribe]
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I thought we had only hindu and buddhist newars; good to know that there're some muslim newars as well :p

I understand what you're saying. I never denied that cast system exists and it sucks. Only I was trying to argue about which community had the most strict rules.

By the way, glad to know about your own true story that became success, and you're living happily everafter, and not true about all that you were claiming about in one of the hottest threads sajha ever saw. That thread really reflects our mentality and attitude and our level of thoughts, and it exists in most of nepalese communities, be it newar or others.

If I were in your shoes, I'd have done the same as you did. Nevertheless, I've my own stories to share about these conservative newars. I hope that they'll realize it soon and change their mentality.
 
Posted on 05-21-07 7:07 PM     Reply [Subscribe]
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Well, it is often hard to convey message if your head is pre-occupied with hate and anger. I am afraid if my earlier post was comprehended properly, I am going to elaborate some of my earlier points here.

My focal point was Those who do not understand the interdependency of newar subgroups and how the entire newar community is formed to be a solid integrated system of different sub-systems confined through their professions reinforced by their own unique culture, they do grow up a lot kind of negative feeling. I see all your venoms secreted here is the reflection of the same negative feeling. In addition to that I also wrote - there are some division and feeling of upper/lower casts among newars, which is not as bad as in the past. Pode, chyame, jugi, naye etc. who were not allowed to touch water in the past, are being welcomed to seat in the same row of sukuu bhoye. Yet, the level of discrimation is not perfectly gone but they are going to disappear soon. I added then Newar groups and subgroups did never display any extreme hate or isolation among themselves.

Yes, you guys brought issues disagreeing with me particularly highlighting the cast discrimination among newars. But what you are referring as the example of discrimination is the age-old scenario. Have you recently been to any newar gathering and social activities in Nepal ? Did you have closely looked into the structure and level of tolerance on cast issues among Newar populous in general? If yes, you will see the level of rigidness in touchable/untouchable matter and the cast-based pride is reduced to almost nil. Our society has changed and changing much rapidly than what you are thinking of that while you stay considerable time of your active life abroad. Those people, who were not allowed to go upstairs in one's house 20 years ago, are now seating side by side, eating foods supplied from the same kitchen. People do not hesitate to use utensils exchanged among multiple cast-groups of the society unlike 3 decades ago. There is almost no cast-based resistance in entrances to temples, festivals, social events, restaurents, public gathering etc. Don't you consider such a drastic change a positive sign that is corecting the wrong past? Why you guys are talking the 30 years old stuffs with added masalaa trying to show as if Newar society has no change in this modern era? If you don't recognize such a great social change taking now as the positive sign, then I have every reason to believe you guys are doomed.

It is not fair to involve the issue of so called "arranged marriage" in this debate as this process allows one to chose bride/groom from the family/parent who may set criteria as they wish. Some may like to match cast, some may see economic status, some may see level of education, some may see geographical boundaries, some may see family health records and all sort of likes and dislikes. It is up to them. You can't interpret every likes and dislikes as the racist feature. A story on struggling against family to marry a girl/boy liked by him/herself has very less to do with the racist/discrimination, but more with the parental pride and feeling that makes them too conservative to think their kid should follow the family-decision. Newly-wed couple standing against their family-wish may voluntarily leave parental house searching a better life or they may be kicked out from home as if their parents punish for disobeying. But you can't generalize such a story which is very personal and case-dependent. Such a couple may gather huge fortune or may go to endless struggle depending upon the route they elect to live. You can't relate their fortune or tragedy simply to the cast of your own. You can't blame the entire newar community for your failure to earn acceptance from your parents and/or family-in-laws, It is your problem of being unable to win their respect and build good interpersonal relation.

I don't deny home-entry was a problem in the past among different sub-cast groups of newar, but there were (and are) tradition of involving people of different cast together in social functions. For example, our society teaches you to respect a Napit (Nau) as equal as a Bajracharya (Guruju) or Rajopadhyaya (Bajya) because until a Nau does not complete his cultural role in your rituals, they are never complete despite having presence of Bajya or Guruju, There are a lot of such a fine arrangement of duties bound by belief and tradition that tie you tightly with all cast groups in the community despites having hierarchy in their recognition. Would that be possible to keep functioning such a system for centuries if newars used to have hate and isolation among their various cast groups? No. To understand such a finely structured social system, you need to involve yourselve in social responsibilities, guthis, take active roles in major ceremonies of birth, death, bratabandh, ihi, barha, jankwo, and other social activities like cultural musics, dance, festivals etc. It does not surprise me when I hear a very superficial criticism of Newar society and societal values by those people who have never engaged themselve deep into the tradition and culture of Newar populous, who are isolated from all sort of family responsibilities and social duties in the name of building their career, who are never educated on the aesthetics and social inter-relationship among different cast groups, and had never attempted to seek positive but only reciprocated negative comments floating elsewhere.

Newar society as a whole is not a regressive society. It can change to meet the demand of time but few individuals of the society who pioneers the change, definitely face hard time. I myself was once badly isolated in the community when I disobeyed home entrance restriction among different cast groups some 20 years ago. I struggled entering every houses, eating together with upper/lower cast group people, spending time in houses irrespective of their cast, which was definitely criticized by a cast-sensitive conservatives then. I was chased from bhajan mandali, was not allowed to enter guthi, etc. There were plenty of rigid people but they are not to blame because such a rigidity also do have some sort of contribution to retain the robustness of system. I am glad I tried breaking a rigid mentality on wrong practice and was successful in my tole, relatives and nearby area to reduce (if not eliminate) the level of rigidity in cast-based feeling. My hard effort has paid me now as I do have good friends in a good newar community. People listen me, and they are in good relation with me. Local people believe I am an influential person who has earned respect from a large mass of marginalized cast groups.

It needs patience and effort to clean up some of wrong traditional practice, but if you keep on vomiting your negative feeling but without attempting any positive contribution to clean up, how can I agree with you guys then? Yeah, I can ask you to mold your opinions in different way by involving deep into the culture and traditional practice. You will never be able to understand them by hating the traditional values and biting hamburger in foreign land.
 
Posted on 05-21-07 8:03 PM     Reply [Subscribe]
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.

It is more of an exposure of Newari ethnicity and diversity than an attempt to create a confusion and/or discrimination I believe!

Khanji - The perception of this 'issue' is entirely dependent on how a person see/take this issues as - positive or negative. Btw, there are other imperative issues to be taken care of rather than scratching heads in issues such as this. If you had consider this issue in a positive way, this topic wouldn't have been controversial.
 
Posted on 05-21-07 9:22 PM     Reply [Subscribe]
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Posted on 05-21-07 9:27 PM     Reply [Subscribe]
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"Newars are supposed to be Nepal’s early settlers, according to one theory even lending their name to the country. They form not a caste, but a complex community"

माथिका पंक्ति र मैले बुझेको नेवा समाज एउटै हुनु संयोग मात्र होइन। वास्तबिकता त्यहि हो। नेवार कुनै जाति बिषेश होइन। जसरि नेपाल मा बस्ने लाई नेपाली भनेर चिनिन्छ, तत्कालीन नेपाल अर्थात नेपा देश ( उपत्यका) मा बस्ने नेवा हुन्। अझ सरल भाषामा भन्नु पर्दा नेपाली भाषा बोल्ने नेपाली भने जस्तै नेपाल भाषा अर्थात नेवा भाषि नेवार् हुन गएको हो। त्यसैले कुनै थर वा जाति बिषेशलाई नेवार् भन्नु गलत हुन्छ। जसरि नेपाली भाषा बोल्नेहरुमा ब्राम्हण क्षेत्री बैश्य शुद्र भने जस्तै जाती बिभाजन जयस्थिति मल्ल पछि बर्णबिन्यास भएको देखिन्छ। त्यतिबेला पनि ब्राम्हण क्षेत्री बैश्य शुद्र थिए, तिनले त्यति बेला बोलिने भाषा बोल्दै आए। अझै पनि तिनका आजका पुस्ताले नेवारि बोल्दै आएका छन्। झा, राजौपाध्याय, कर्मचार्य, मिश्र, ब्राम्हण नै हुन। अझ राजकर्णिकार ( हलुवाइ) भारतको केरला बाट् राजा शिद्धिनरसिंह मल्ल को पालामा झिकाएका भारतबर्षका सबै भन्दा कर्म ले शुद्ध ब्राम्हण हुन्( हेर्नुस्, घनश्याम राजकर्णिकार् द्वारा लिखित, राजकर्णिकारको बंशाबली)।
यक्षमल्ल अरिमल्ल को पालामा नेपाल भित्रिएका मुशलमानहरु को पनि भाषा नेपाल भाषा नै भए । क्षेत्रपाटि, इन्द्रचोक र बागबजारका रैथाने मुशलमानहरुको मात्री भाषा नै नेवारि हुन् गए। सिनेकलाकार् तैयब शाह्, च्यानल नेपाल स्पेशटाइम नेटवर्कका जमिम शाहको पहिलो भाषा नेवारि नै हुन्।
त्यसैले नेवार् भनेर फलानोफलानो जात र थर का मात्र हुन् र अरु सङ सरोकार छैन भन्नु संकुचित मानसिकताको प्रतिक मात्र हो। अनि भाषाको नाम मा राजनीति गर्नेहरुको कथित परिभाषा मात्र हो।
त्यसैले नेवा सम्मेलन हुन्छ भने श्रेष्ठ, शाक्य, तुलाधर, बैद्य, महर्जन, डंगोल, अंात्य, ताम्रकार्, सुवाल्, द्योला, खड्गि, ब्ज्राचार्य, प्रधान, मास्के धाख्वा, राजकर्णिकार, रंजितकार, चित्रकार्, कारंजित, सुल्प्या जोशि, न्याछ्यों, न्याइच्याइ, पाछै, वासुकला, खयरगुली, कसजु, माकजु, ह्योजु, भुजु, खर्बुजा, ह्याउंमिखा, किसिजु, चखुं आदि इत्यादि लाई मात्र स्वागत गरिएको हुदैनन्। बिनोद् चौधरि लाई पनि स्वागत् हो, शकिल अहमदलाई पनि आमन्त्रण गरिएको हो, निर् शाह, हरिबंश आचर्य, शुभद्राधिकारिलाई पनि स्वागत् गरिएको हुन्छ। त्यति मात्र कहँ हो र, सिल्भा लेभि लगायत नेपाल भाषाका ज्ञाता र अध्ययता र अभिरुचि राख्ने हरकोइलाई स्वागत गरिएको हुन्छ। कुनै जाति वा थर लाई बन्देज गरिएको हुदैन। केवल तिनीहरुको लागि यस्तो सम्मेलन मा भाग लिन निषेध गरिएको छ, जस्ले जाति बिभाजनको राजनीति गर्छ र जातीभेदको अहं पालेको हुन्छ। चाहे त्यो पद्म रत्न हुन वा गोरे खपाङ्गि वा उपेन्द्र यादब हुन् वा योगि नरहरि नाथ हुन्,वा, मल्ल के सुन्दर् हुन् , तिनको लागि यस्तो मन्च कदापि हुनु हुन्न। सबैलाई चेतना भया।
 
Posted on 10-09-07 4:33 PM     Reply [Subscribe]
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I created this thread to list the name of books on newars and newar society. I'm adding one more to the list.

The Newar Women Of Bulu
By Bina Pradhan, The Status Of Women In Nepal Volume II, Part 6, 1981 (first printing)
(272 pages) click
here for PDF [21.5 MB]


 
Posted on 10-09-07 4:35 PM     Reply [Subscribe]
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Posted on 10-09-07 5:02 PM     Reply [Subscribe]
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A very interesting episode in the history of Nepal is the influence of  hinduism(widely spread by the north indian migrants 'brahmins') in various communities of Nepal : including Newar and others like Gurungs,etc.

So much that the regional communities started their own caste-heirarchy in their own cultures and territories prior to united Nepal.

But even more intersting ...no matter what caste heirarchy Newars may give to themselves,they are collectively mocked as 'Jyaapoos' by the non newars....and the most by the 'brahmins' who believe themselves as the most true owner of their title' Brahmins'.

LOL-crazy hinduism ...way for many to empower themselves on the name of religion :)


 
Posted on 10-10-07 1:54 AM     Reply [Subscribe]
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kode horu bhanda ta hami pahila aako nepal ma
 
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jaat bhori ma sabai bhanda bigreko thakali ghaito pakhali ani kodhe ho

 


 
Posted on 10-10-07 4:41 PM     Reply [Subscribe]
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BRINGING ROUND AN ERRANT HUSBAND !


- Nagendra Sharma

Come August, and in the shadowy gloom of the monastic sanctuary of Rudra Varna Mahaavihara in Patan, we may see a row of female forms lying prostrate day in and day out, for a full month. Probably looking more dead than alive, they are some country wenches going through a month-long fasting, the Goonlaa. Seven handfuls of consecrated water given by the Buddhist priest every day is said to be their only ration. Should you visit the place on subsequent occasions, add those in the know, the increasingly emaciated and pitiable sight these devotees present is bound to prick your conscience and arouse in you a feeling of sympathy and reverence for them. Towards the end of the holy month they can hardly move and their voice could be sunk into a feeble whisper at best. They are, expectedly, mere bundles of bones and skin - a ghost of their previous selves.

But why are they subjecting themselves to such a horrible penance with so single-minded and exemplary devotion ? Their objective is simply to win back the lost love of their errant husbands who have either deserted them or may possibly be running after other women.

But do the wayward hubbies oblige them ? Yes, if they are sensible enough. For one thing, the fear of scandal among relatives and neighbours who invariably visit the Vihaara, is believed to act as a very potent goading factor. For another, he will face extreme social censure and may even be legally charged for murder, should his wife die in the process of such a harsh fasting.

Customarily, it is expected of the 'penitent' husband to come along with a local musical band, a palanquin, a set of new clothes and food delicacies in order to take his wife back home to a rousing reception. The husband's attitudinal volte-face, from one of cold negligence and apathy to a feeling of 'warm' affection has another edge to it ; it is believed that their wives' penances will bring Lord Buddha's blessings and a lucky turn of the tide in the shape of a son or a good fortune for the couple. Should, however, a hubby prove himself so much of a wretch as not to turn up either during or after the penance, it is said to mean an instant divorce and the wife is then free to seek other life-mates.

The fourteenth day in the month of Bhaadra (August-September) is the most important day in the month-long affair of the Goonlaa. It is said to be known as Panchadaan - the day of alms-giving. On this day, Dipaankara Buddha is said to have accepted alms from the hands of a lowly blacksmith in preference to that of a king. And, when asked, the savant is said to have replied that the foodstuff offered by the artisan was earned by the sweat of his brow, whereas the king's was not ! As such, on this day, the Buddhist priests are expected to go seeking alms, either with ceremonial robes or without, while housewives vie against each other to offer them the best alms possible, for, it is said, you never know when Dipaankara Buddha himself would himself come to their doors in the garb of a monk ! Charity and benevolence, therefore, is the order of the day.

The Goonlaa month concludes with the first day of the dark fortnight in Bhaadra and calls for a family picnic (Paato) in and around the Swayambhu hillock . The surrounding greenery of this holy site is often covered with colourful groups enoying open-air feasts and a hearty drink.

This holy month of fast, penance and prayers is to the Nepalese Buddhists what Ramaadaan is to the Muslims, it is averred. In Kathmandu, regular pre-dawn processions, accompanied with thumping drums and clanging cymbals, find their way to to the Swayambhunaath stupa, the holiest of the Buddhist holies, everyday. The object, ostensibly, is to entertain their Lord with early-morning music!

Worshipping a new Buddha image each day is another Goonlaa feature; most houses preserve moulds that come in handy on this occasion in casting impromptu clay figurines of the Lord, "brought to life" by thrusting a grain of unpolished rice into each. The clay images that grow into a sizeable heap by the month-end are then taken in a ritual procession to the river for immersion.

Kumaari, Nepal's unique 'Living Goddess', also stirs out of her temple-residence for her only annual public appearance (besides the chariot-processions during the Indra Jaatraa festival) on this occasion. She is carried aloft in a wooden palanquin to the tableaux vivant displaying Buddhist temple-treasures such as priceless ancient relics, pauvaa tapestry paintings, rare masterpieces of the temple-sculptors' art, gold and silver-lettered parchment paper-scriptures and huge "rice" grains supposedly dating back to the antediluvian days…

[ Courtesy: "This Is Nepal", published by Sajha Prakashan, Kathmandu, 1977. ]

http://nepalicreation.blogspot.com/2007_07_01_archive.html


 
Posted on 10-10-07 4:48 PM     Reply [Subscribe]
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Bahas in Kathmandu Valley

Kathmandu Valley, a well known repository of medieval art and architecture also houses the largest conglomeration of medieval Buddhist monuments in the form of monasteries or Vihars- locally known as Baha in Newari dialect. In addition to religious sanctity, these Viharas or Bahas offer a living testimony of Buddhist Art flourished since the medieval times. Architecturally, a Baha, usually consists of a square central hall or courtyard enclosed by small rooms or cells, with the main shrine opposite the main entrance.
The deity enthroned inside the main shrine is called Kwapa-dyo, an image of the Buddha sitting in Vajrasana and showing the 'Bhumisparsa (earth touching) 'gesture. The courtyards contain at least one Chaitya. Other common features of a Baha is a 'Torana' (tympanum) over the main entrance and the main is entrance guarded by two stone mythical lions. From the inside, the main entrance is flanked by two Hindu deities Mahakal and Ganesh as the Guardians. The Baha or Bahis have a finial or a small tower on the roof above the main shrine. Although in the mediavel times, the Bahas were used to house communities of celibate monks, presently the Bahas are inhabited by the descendants of the monks who returned to common family life. They are known as Vajracharyas and Shakyas. There are said to be 356 Vihars (Large and small) of which only a few of the famous ones are listed below as representative guide to visit these marvelous Buddhist heritage.
Kathmandu
Kumari Baha or Kumari Chen :
Located just opposite the famous Gaddi Baithak in the eastern part of Kathmandu Durbar Square, the complex of Kumari Baha also house the goddess of Kumari - the Royal deity. The Baha or Vihar consists of a three storeyed structure built round an enclosed courtyard and the main entrance is guarded by two huge stone lions. The external facade and inside facade facing the courtyards are embellished with the exquisite wood carved windows and doors. The main shrine is directly opposite to the entrance and there is a stupa / Chaitya in the courtyard. Aside from serving as a Vihar, this is primarily the shrine of the living goddess 'Kumari' a Buddhist girl - chosen and worshipped as an incarnation of Hindu mother deity.
Kwa- Baha:
This is situated in the northern part & Kathmandu in Tha-hiti a few minutes walk from the famous Thamel locality. The shrine is a three storeyed building surmounted by a small cupola. An artistically decorated by wooden frames, the door of the main entrance is flanked by the images of Sariputra and Mandgalyana
• two principal attendants of Lord Buddha.
Inside the courtyard are an 'Ashokan Chaitya' a stupa structure of earlier period and a common small Chaitya on a pillar. The steps leading to the main shrine are flanked by two metal lions.
Musya Baha:
Located in Jyatha adjacent to Tha-hiti, this Baha is one of the few typical Baha structures left intact. The entire building is of two storeys. The main deity (Kwapa-dyo) is an image of Aksobhya facing north and the main door of the shrine is guarded by two stone lions. Wooden carved struts support the entire tiled roof structure.
Dhwaka Baha:
A few minutes walk down the road from Masya Baha is Dhwakabaha is a aspacious courtyard with the shrine of the main deity 'Aksobbya' located in the south-east corner facing north. Although the vihar has not been able to retain its original structure - due to the severe damage in the great earthquake of 1934, there are three stupas of which two stupas date back to Licchavi period testifying antiquity of the place. Historians have ascribed the origin of the Vihar to not later than 7th century A.D.
Chusya Baha:
Located in Jyatha Tole - a minutes walk down the road from Musya Baha, Chusya Baha, probably is the finest example of Baha architectures. Directly opposite the entrance is the shrine of Akshobhya the Kwapadyo, facing north. The entrance is flanked by two elephants. One of the most striking features of the Baha is the series of beautifully carved struts supporting the courtyard. As the struts are ascribed to the fourteenth century A.D., it is believed the origin of the monastery could be dated even earlier.
Itum Baha:
Situated a little west of Kilagal Tole, Itum Baha is one of the largest and oldest of Vihar complexes. It is a large, rectangular courtyard and surrounded on three sides by residential buildings. Although three other subsidiary vihars adjacent to the main courtyard comprise the vihar complex, the main shrine is located in second subsidiary courtyard. Over the entryway to this courtyard is an exquisitely carved wooden torana depicting an episode from Lord Gautam Buddha's life and is believed to belong sixteenth century A.D. or even earlier period. The main deity or the Kwapa dyo is an image of Aksobhya facing east- the main entrance. The Baha shrine is marked by a metal lions and stone lines flanked large temple bells. In the centre of the courtyard is an Chaitya (Stupa) and to the east of this a stylised stupa with large Buddha figures believed to be dated between eleventh or twelfth century.
Yatkha Baha:
A few walks from Itum Baha is another Baha in the Yatkha Tole. Although it does not bear any common features of a typical monastery anymore, this Baha is noted for a large stupa, in the centre of the large courtyard - surrounded by residential houses. The main shrine building is of recent renovation. However, the wooden 'Torana' is of unusual depiction of seven Buddhas and probably dates back to twelfth century A.D. The central stupa is a reminscent of the famous 'Swoyambhunath' Stupa.
Takse Baha:
The Baha is situated off Asan Tole - one of the busy bazaar areas of Kathmandu. The entrance to the shrine is marked by two stone lions each flanked by large temple bells. Over the doorway is a metal torana depicting Mahavairochana - the first of five celestial Buddhas. The main deity of the Vihar is an image 'Aksobhya' facing north. In the courtyard are an 'Asoka' chaitya and three other votive chaityas.
Te Baha:
A famous court yard or a locality in Kathmandu, is located in the eastern end of New road. Although the salient features of a typical Baha is virtually missing it is assumed the compound comprises two Bahas in medieval times. One of the main shrines 'Kwapa dyo' is situated among the buildings along the western side. The second 'Kwapadyo' is located in the center. The compound is more renowned because of other religious shrines and historic stupas existing here. Among others, within the complex are the house of a deity celled 'Sankata', the shrine of 'Bhadrakali' Chen (or the residence) two highly popular Shakta deities of the Kathmandu valley. In addition, the open area also houses several Licchavi - period stupas - chaityas. Historians attribute this area as of high historic importance and ascribe the origin to 5th century A.D.
Jana Baha:
Located in Kel Tole, this Baha is one of the most famous of all the Bahas of Kathmandu. Hundreds of devotees throng to this places since early morning to early afternoon. Also every evening, religious prayers are sung at the main entrance of the courtyard at the tunes of traditional devotional music. Culturally, this Baha is most well known as the home of White - Matshyendranath or Jana Baha dyo or Karunamaya - the compassionate one. Although, the Baha does not possess a typical Baha architecture (original structures destroyed in 1917 fire), the importance of the courtyard is enhanced by the shrine of Jan Baha dyo. The shrine is a two storeyed elaborately decorated temple. The whole facade of the temple is decorated with a great array of Buddhist figures and each of the three doorways has a repousse torana / tympanum.
Directly in front of the main door of the shrine is a small chaitya - known as Kanak Chaitya (presently a shape of white dome). In addition, the courtyard is filled with an array of stone images and thirty one votive stupas.
Sigha Baha:
Situated in the Naghal Tole - few minutes walk from Thamel is a Sigha Baha also known as Kathe Swoyambhu - a large courtyard with a huge stupa - reminiscent of the great Swayambhunath. The dome of the stupa rests on white-washed pedestal. Above the dome or Garbha is a four sided harmika with all-seeing eyes similar to those at Swayambhu. In the courtyard around the main stupa are a number of votive Chaityas. shrines including mother Harati and deities from Mahayan Pantheon. Offer important feature is a stone standing Padampani assigned to the ninth century A.D.
Syangu Baha:
The local Buddhist community of Kathmandu refer the famous Swoyambhunath shrines as Syangu dyo - and it is assumed there existed a Buddhist Baha in the olden times, However, the whole complex is dominated by the all famous "Swoyambhu Mahachaitya" - the huge white dome towered by harmika in each cardinal.
Tham Bahi:
Also known as Bhagwan Baha, Tham Bahi is one of the best preserved complex of its kind. Located in the northern part of old Kathmandu township the famous area of Thamel drives its name from Tham Bahi. The Bahi/monastery is only a stone's throw from the main bazaar of Thamel. The main shrine is located through an entryway which opens to the courtyard proper. The main shrine is directly opposite the entrance and is of three storeys with a large cuppola. The shrine is flanked by two mythical creatures Sardulas and lions. The main deity of the shrine is an image of Simha Sartha Bahu a legendary hero/ trader of ancient Kathmandu. The complex is typical with a two storied building with open halls on ground floor and lattice covered, overhanging balconies above.
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Patan / Lalitpur

Of all the Viharas in Kathmandu Valley the or Bahas of Patan also known as Lalitpur is more renowned for the artistic workmanship in tera cotta metal and wood works. Numerically too, the town of Patan has more Bahas than other cities of Kathmandu and Bhaktapur. For centuries, Patan has remained prodominantly Buddhist.
Kwa Baha:
Kwa Baha also well known by its sanskrit name Hiranyavarna Mahavihar, is the foremost Baha (monastery) of Patan. Situated just down the street from the crossroads known as Kwalakhu Tole, this Baha is probably known as one of the most active Bahas. The complex is known as the most lavishly decorated of the Bahas primarily because the community members are wealthy traders who have constantly embellished the complex. The street entrance has two large stone lions as guardians and a stone facade with a stone tympanum depicting celestial Buddhas.
Passing Through this entrance and a small entry way leads to the main shrine complex. Nick named as 'the Golden temple' inside the complex are numerous gilded images and the facade of the imposing Kwapadyo shrine (the main deity). The temple in the centre of the courtyard is another attraction which is made of gild copper repousse work. The main shrine is a four storied structure with three gilded roofs. The entrance is flanked by two large cast iron mythical lions each standing on an elephant and surmounted by an image of Lokeswore. The doorway to the shrine is an excellent temple of metal workmanship - all finished in gilt repousse work and above it is one of the finest tympanum (torana) anywhere all made of silver. The Kawapadyo (main deity) of the Baha is a large silver image of Aksobhya facing east.
As said earlier, the other striking feature, of this complex is the shimmering temple in the center of the courtyard which enshrines a Chaitya from Licchavi era. The shrine is an excellent piece of extraordinary metal work and almost entirely covered with gold and metal. It has a single gilt copper roof above which rises a pinnacle with four snakes whose curved tail raise to hold a multi-staged umbrella over the main bell shaped final, Historically, this Baha dates back to not later than eleventh century A.D. or even earlier.
Uku Baha:
Uku Baha is one of the best preserved and oldest of all Bahas of Patan. Located a minutes walk south medieval heritage. Also known by its from the Sundhara (the golden spout), this Baha displays a unique collection of sanskrit name 'Rudravarna Mahavihara, this Vihar is said to have the largest number of branches in the valley. Passing through a gateway in the street one enters the first compound and an entryway from this is led into Uku Baha
itself.
The main shrine is of three two roof structure. Steps leading to the shrine are flanked by large stone mythical lions each standing on a crouching elephant an surmounted by an image of Lokeswore. The doorway is marked by a finely worked repousse of arch of leaf and floral motifs. The Kwapa dyo is a large metal image of Aksobhya. Opposite the shrine in the courtyard runs a row of traditional pieces. The first item is a Lichhavi Style Chaitya followed by 'Dharmadhatu Mandala' surmounted by a Vajra, a recess for the sacred fire, a metal lamp on a stand and an image of Manjushree.
Mahabuddha Baha:
The famous temple of Mahabuddha is the best known shrines of Patan. Situated in the south of Uku Baha and inside a small cramped courtyard, Mahabudha Buddha complex consists of a large terracotta 'Sikhara' style temple in the centre of the courtyard which houses the shrine of Kwapa dyo with a shrine to the mother deity to the side. Completely made of terracotta in this temple every brick has an image of Buddha. So the complex is also called the temple of 'thousand Buddhas'. Although, this unique temple is said to have been influenced by the architectural from of Bodh Gaya, a close look would reveal the originality of a Nepalese structure. Although the present structure is newly built after the great earthquake of 1934 exactly as of original one, the foundation of the structure was laid during sixteenth century A.D.
Chaku Baha:
Also known as Tanga Baha, this complex is located in the Tanga Tole on the east side of the road leading south from the Patan Durbar Square. The complex does not offer a typical Baha complex as most of the buildings and structures are of a recent origin except the free standing temple of main deity or the Kwapa dyo. The Kwapa dyo is the red image of Padampani Lokeswore. This deity is popularity known as Chakuba dyo or Minnath. The temple structure is two storeyed of which upper roof is gilded copper and the lower one is tiled roof. In addition the courtyard has several other pieces of antiquity and archaeological importance. It include a bathing platform, several votive chaityas, stone mandalas, interesting stone mythological lions, a large prayer wheel and a rest houses all dating not later than 17th century A.D.
Ta Baha:
This huge courtyard is located just opposite the Chaku Baha across the street. The complex is well known amongst the Buddhist community primarily because the Baha, in addition to a well established odd monastery (vihar) shrine, also houses the temple of 'Bungadyo' Red Machhendranath. And these two shrines are totally independent in functioning.
Along the southern wall of the complex is the house of 'Kwapadyo' the shrine of the Baha. It is a single standing - probably a part of larger complex in the earlier times. Doorway of the shrine is surmounted by a torana - itself surmounted by a triple parasol The deify 'Kwapadyo' is an image of Aksobhaya facing north.
Chovar or Cho Baha:
A Very popular Buddhist shrine Chobaha is located in the center of the Chobhar Village above the gorge across the Bagmati river. The complex is an entirely closed courtyard at the top of the hill and the shrine of Kwapadyo is a three storeyed, multiple roofed temple, Of the three roofs upper most is gilded copper the rest are tiled roofs. The most striking feature of the temple is the great array of pots, pans and household utensils nailed to almost all the open space on the surface above the ground floor. It is believed such offerings are done in the temple so as to benefit the deceased relatives in their after next birth. The Kwapadyo enshrine in the temple is an image of Adinath - Lokeswore and is the main attraction of the complex.
Ha Baha:
Also known as Hakha Baha or Hatko Baha, is one of the few Bahas of Kathmandu which has retained the original Baha architectural norms and preserved the mediavel beauty. The street entrance is a stone arch torana depicted with fine celestial Buddhas and the door is marked two stone lions. The shrine of the Kwapa dyo opposite the entrance is an imposing three storey temple. The doorway to the shrine is elaborately carved and finished in repousse metal. The image of the Kawapadyo is an image of Aksobhya facing north. In the courtyard, there is on array of several mandalas and Chaitya - some even dating back 7th century AD from Licchavi period.
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Bhaktapur
Laskadyo Baha:
The complex is best known as the Bhaktapur Shrine of Matshyendranath. Situated in Itachhen Tole, this temple is a two storeyed structure - one tiled roof surmounted by two smaller roofs farming a sort of cupola. The lower of the small roof is tiled, the upper one is of gilded copper and surmounted by a golden gajur (pinnacle) make in the form of a Chaitya.
The Kwapadyo (the main deity) of the shrine is a metal image of Padampani Lokeswore. Locally also known Annapurna - Lokeswore is fully covered with a metal cloak embellished with floral ornaments. The locals worship this shrine as the local deity of Matshendranath Karunamaya or Loknath. In front of the temple are a cluster of seven Chaityas and dharamdhata mandala. The shrine is dated to belong around seventeenth century A.D.
Inacho Baha:
Situated in Inacho Tole, the Baha complex possess one of the few well preserved Baha shrines left in Bhaktapur. The doorway of the shrine is marked by two stone lions. The Kwapadyo in the shrine is Aksobhya facing west. The first storey has the customary five fold, carved window flanked by two smaller windows carved struts depicting the five Buddhas supporting the roof. In the center of the courtyard are three chaityas, the central one of which has a ring of oil lamps around it. Historians ascribe this shrine complex to the late Malla period.
Tadhi Chen Baha:
Located just off the area of the Bhaktapur Durbar Square, it is possibly the only example of Baha architectural structure left intact. It is one continuous building in a small courtyard. Opposite the main entrance is the shrine of the Kwapa dyo - Padampani Lokeswore. The entrance is flanked by two stone lions. The shrine of Dipankara is located in the north west corner of the complex. The origin of the Baha is dated to early fifteenth century A.D.
When to visit the Bahas Although a Baha is always open to outside visitors except the Kwapa dyo Shrine, it is more rewarding to visit during certain occasions when the Bahas observes annual ritual/festival or during the initiation of Buddhist community (Bare Chuyegu) i.e. Bajracharyas and Shakyas. The recommended time to visit these Bahas is 'Gunla'- a month from a Newari Calendar which normally occurs in mid July to mid-August. During the month these festivals mentioned above take place.
• Panchdaan - The alms giving of five offerings. The day differs in each of three cities of the valley.
• Bahidyo - boyegu - The display of gods and goddess of the shrine which lasts for the days.
• Mataya - a festival of light - This is a typical of Patan Buddhists which is not observed elsewhere. On this day, the Buddhists of Patan visit all the Bahas and Buddhist shrines carrying lighted candles, torches or tapers.


 
Posted on 10-10-07 5:05 PM     Reply [Subscribe]
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NEWAR=JYAPUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUU

 

JYAPUU ARE ALWAYS JYAPUU

NO POINT IN DISCUSSING

GADHA LAI DHOYERA GAI KAILE HUNCHHA?


 
Posted on 10-10-07 5:15 PM     Reply [Subscribe]
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I'm very disappointed to see how people hate to see the word 'newar', and the same guys would be the first talking about racism in America. Bunch of hypocrites! No wonder, there're a mess in Nepal when we've a crowd like this, who can't accept the diversity, but just know the language of hatred. 


 
Posted on 10-10-07 5:16 PM     Reply [Subscribe]
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coast2coast no one here is talking shit about anything, just sharing something, Did i or anyone here in this thread talked bad about other races? i guess not, so why u middle of no where put up your negative comments on newars, when u even don't know what does it exactly mean.

 


 
Posted on 10-11-07 9:32 AM     Reply [Subscribe]
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NEVER A WIDOW !

- Nagendra Sharma

Would you believe that a Newar girl never becomes a widow ? I didn't either, but….

I was once invited to a Newar girl's Betrothal with the Bael ceremony, known as Eehi in the local parlance. It turned out to be a joint betrothal, not of one, but of several tiny damsels of that village -- an exercise that could be described as a community wedding.

There was the usual Yagna, or Fire Ritual, ceremony, reminiscent of a full-blown Hindu marriage -- and as holy; but with this striking difference -- here the grooms were no humans but the otherwise humble bael-fruits (Marmelos or Wood Apple).

The major part of the rituals were over by the time I reached the scene. I could, however, see the altar laden with the usual paraphernalia of a typical Hindu pooja, with puffs of smoke rising reluctantly from the half-burnt embers of the holy fire, surrounded by the priests, the brides and their well-wishers.

Four bashful young maidens, their ages varying between eight to twelve, squatted cross-legged on raadi carpets spread around the improvised altar, with veils drawn down their foreheads, genuine bride-style. Their bridal attires were a riot of color, with gold ornaments dangling all over their tiny persons. Gold-sirbandis stretched from ear to ear, atop their heads, gold ear-rings shined from their tiny earlobes, along with gold necklaces and bangles of gold. Whoever had sprinkled red vermilion along the parting of their hairs, had done a liberal job too.

Four fat bael fruits -- the bridegrooms of the occasion -- lay on small wooden pedestals, one in front of each 'bride'. Practically covered with vermilion, multi-coloured flower-petals and other holy offerings, those inanimate 'grooms', silent and indifferent to the whole affair, seemed to be mocking at all the youngsters of the locality who were stealing furtive glances at the charming little brides of the baels.

This betrothal with the bael, although akin more to a coming-of-age ceremony in the life of a Newar girl, is held in greater esteem and is solemnized as seriously as her 'true' marriage itself. For, this is said to be the first genuine marriage of the Newar maidens, and, understandably, the baels their real husbands. Should the girl, thus betrothed to a bael, decide to take a human husband later in life, as most of them do, this ceremony, or, for that matter, the bael-fruit, wouldn't stand in her way, of course. To the contrary, the preservation of the bael, her 'first, real and permanent' husband, could also mean a lasting guarantee against her possible widowhood, and, should such an eventuality come to pass, would protect her right of remarrying again and again…and again !

Writes Dor Bahadur Bista in his "People of Nepal" : 'Many Newars - especially Buddhist ones - do not consider marriage as a particularly sacred or unbreakable union or relationship. It is looked upon from a matter-of-fact point of view.'

Continues Bista, 'A majority of Newars observe this symbolically arranged marriage of their daughters with a bael fruit before they ever marry a man. And since it is the general belief of the Hindu and Buddhist Newar communities that a proper marriage with full rites can be held only once in a life-time, her subsequent marriages, if any, are considered only of secondary importance. Although a Newar girl marries a boy later on with almost a full ritual, she retains her marital status with the bael fruit. So a woman can, if she wishes, break her marriage with her husband by giving the gift of areca nuts she received during the wedding back to him or by putting the areca nuts besides his dead body in the event of his death. The wife, by this act, becomes free to enter into another marital union and also escape the obligation of mourning the death of her husband'.

But the Newar husband, pity him, enjoys no such freedom to break away from the matrimonial bondage so equally easily!

[ Courtesy: "This Is Nepal", published by Sajha Prakashan, Kathmandu, 1977.]

http://nepalicreation.blogspot.com/2007/07/never-widow_24.html


 



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